By Bella Popescu
Part II: The case of Romanian Elections
Having analysed the proxies and narratives through which Kremlin-friendly propaganda has infiltrated Moldova’s domestic discourse in the lead-up to the 2024 Presidential Election and European Union (EU) Referendum, this section will examine the case of Romania’s Presidential Elections. Following an in-depth presentation of the proxies, funding channels and narratives employed, the piece will compare disinformation strategies used in the two case studies. Part III of this series will analyse their efficiency and political impact, particularly IW’s effect on weakening trust in state institutions, polarising civic discourse on neoliberal democracies and eroding confidence in the EU and NATO.
IW strategies in Romania: channels
Calin Georgescu’s(CG) TikTok and Telegram campaign managed to dodge the public radar until its dissemination caught a snowball effect, bringing it to the attention of the national intelligence service. In the immediate run-up to elections, according to declassified intelligence reports of the Supreme Council of National Defence (CSAT), Călin Georgescu benefited from a vote that was manipulated by various illicit means, including cyber-attacks and a Russian-funded and undeclared TikTok campaign. The national security forces (Romanian Intelligence Service (SRI), Ministry of Internal Affairs (MAI), Foreign Intelligence Service (SIE)) found that Georgescu’s campaign (titled Equilibrium and Verticality [Echilibru si Verticalitate]) used farmbots that subjected the electoral process to multiple cybernetic attacks delivered over Telegram and TikTok and sponsored or conducted by Russian-affiliated IPs, a process similar to that seen in Moldovan elections. Analysts found that about 25,000 pro-Georgescu TikTok accounts became active only two weeks before the first-round vote, with some experts suspecting that Georgescu’s online following was artificially inflated, while Romania’s top security body alleged that he was given preferential treatment by TikTok over other candidates. Moreover, the secret services claimed that one TikTok user paid 381,000 USD (361,000 euros) to other accounts to promote Georgescu’s content. Particularly, MAI and SRI declared that the campaign mirrored the “Brother for Brother” initiative developed by Russia in Ukraine, which is part of the Kremlin’s wider hybrid war against democracies in the region.
IW strategy in Romania: proxies and narratives
Using Cenusa’s methodology of analysing public discourse, the table below categorises Calin Georgescu’s statements by key themes relevant to democratic stability: Romania’s EU-NATO future and the War in Ukraine. While Moldova’s discourse includes “Relations with Russia” and “the conflict in Transnistria”, these topics are less prominent in Romania. Instead, the author introduces “Isolationist and Sovereignty Discourse” to capture Romania’s distinct stance on Russia. As an EU and NATO member, Romania’s far-right sovereigntists cannot fully align with Moscow and instead promote nationalism and self-sufficiency, echoing past authoritarian regimes. The final section highlights Georgescu’s conspiracy theories, which portray the West as controlled by a global masonic elite.
| Russia’s War in Ukraine |
| Propagandist neutrality— “It’s a very difficult and grave situation, and my main position is a strategy of peace. Peace with everyone, regardless of who they are.” Putin, a man of peace— “The Kremlin is totally open to peace, and this is a chance for the entire humanity to stop its own suicidal attempt.” “Security comes from dialogue, not confrontation.” “In essence, Putin is just a man who loves his country.” Ukraine, a made-up state— “Russia’s president Putin has a legitimate aim in Donbas, he is protecting a population that has been Russian since its inception” The world is changing; Ukraine needs to accept its fate— “Some borders are bound to be redrawn […] Ukraine might be split up, and Romania would better have its own interest at heart when partition happens”. (This declaration has been denounced both by Romania’s own Ministry of External Affairs and by Ukraine’s as it is a grave infringement upon Romania’s recognition of Ukraine’s national autonomy and sovereignty with its current internationally recognised borders.) The situation in Ukraine as manipulated by the West— Speaking of the war in Donbas, which started in 2014, he claims, “The situation in Ukraine is clearly manipulated, with the goal of provoking a conflict destined to financially help the military industrial complex of the USA.” Georgescu has also pledged to end military aid to Ukraine if he is elected president. |
Table 1: Calin Georgescu’s narratives on the War in Ukraine
| EU/NATO alliance |
| 1. Military-strategic disinformation to advance the idea that NATO is forcing Romania to take an aggressive stance against Russia– “The Mihail Kogalniceanu base acts as an offensive training capability, hosting American troops bent on starting a Third World War [..] Please warn President Donal Trump that under his mandate, Romania is being used by other allied states as a gateway to war.” 2. Romania as a launching pad for NATO’s regional war– “This NATO base (unclear which, perhaps Mihail Kogalniceanu Military Base) will be built and augmented to represent Europe’s biggest military base in history, for purposes of aiding a direct offensive against Russia”. 3. NATO President Rutte is forcing Romania to go to war– “Rutte is scheming to impose his strategic rules on me, trying to force my hand to enlist Romania in a suicidal regional conflict” 4. NATO has colonised Romania– “They have only personal slaves in positions of power, people that cling to it, not true military visionaries. In Romania’s current political system, there are only a couple of marionettes that want to impose a Third World War on the country”. 5. The EU has colonised Romania– “Romania needs to become an independent state, not a colony of European powers. The European Union does not protect the interests of Romanians but promotes a globalist agenda that destroys national identity.” “Prime Minister Ciolacu and President Klaus Iohannis are only servants to office representatives at Brussels.” |
Table 2: Calin Georgescu’s narratives on EU and NATO
| Sovereigntist and isolationist discourse |
| 1. Romania needs to regain control over its own natural resources and national economy- “Our resources are the resources of the Romanian people and the Romanian people only. We cannot accept being robbed by foreign companies that have been buying into our soil and land with the complicity of local politicians.” 2. Romania needs a domestic political base that promotes Romanian interests– “Our politicians are not the slaves of Brussels and Washington; they need to be leaders and not execute outside orders.” 3. Appeal to other sovereigntist parties to protect Romania’s economic interests- “I have been called upon by the Romanian people. Many have understood and have been awakening, regaining their own consciousness, political figures should help Romanian entrepreneurs to take an attitude in the face of the horrendous economic position our country finds itself in.” “I have faith that sovereigntist parties-or whatever has been left of them-will be able to foster these attitudes which are absolutely normal.” 4. Romania needs to regain its human dignity and be free of its current political elite– “Romania no longer has free elections. They have stolen our happy national holidays with their endemic corruption and manipulation”. “However, they gave us a common ideal to free Romania. We need to give back to this population its vote and dignity.” 5. Romania’s current political class as the enemy from within– “President Klaus Iohannis has subjugated and destroyed Romania through its institutions.” “Their lies are pathologic, political incompetence is a crass affront, it is a show of hatred towards the Romanian people.” “They are the highest degree of national traitors.” As such Georgescu’s discourse can be assimilated into the usual extreme right European rhetoric, with a couple of locally Romanian nuances recuperated from a neo-legionary lexicon and combined with Ceausescu’s national-communist rhetoric. |
Table 3: Calin Georgescu’s narratives on sovereignty and isolationism
| Conspiracy theories |
| 1. Climate change is a “business scam”. 2. Feminism has brought about humanity’s collapse and is an absolute mess. 3. If a woman decides to deliver her pregnancy via C-section, she is breaking the divine link with God, causing religious wrath to befall her family. 4. Covid-19 has never existed, has always been a part of the global occult. 5. The moon landing has been a tool of Western propaganda to control the world. 6. 5G connections control the masses via interconnected energetic vibrations. 7. The young diaspora is a disgrace to the national image, being mere slaves and illiterate puppets of foreign powers. |
Table 4: Calin Georgescu’s conspiracy theories
Similarities between Moldova and Romania are numerous, specifically in the areas of fostering distrust in European institutions, the NATO alliance, domestic political structures and the war in Ukraine. For instance, there is the promotion of toxic pacifism, both within the case of Transnistria-Ukraine context in Moldova and Eastern Front-NATO in Romania, which, under the guise of advocating for peace, seeks to undermine the justification for defensive measures against potential aggressions. Another narrative is the so-called “Ukrainisation of Romania”, a term that is used to stoke fears of cultural or political encroachment, thereby sowing discord and apprehension within the Romanian populace. Additionally, these narratives often include a deliberate effort to cast doubt on the effectiveness and intentions of NATO and the European Union, portraying them as unreliable or detrimental to Romanian interests, while the two blocs allegedly drain Romania of its resources and “co-opt” its political elite. Dodon and Shor in Moldova shared similar claims, accompanied by a surge in anti-sanctions rhetoric. These narratives question the effectiveness of economic measures against Russia, arguing that they either fail to achieve their goals or negatively impact Romania’s and Moldova’s economy.
To underline some differences between IW conducted in Romania and Moldova, it is important to briefly draw public attention to the dangerous and insidious character of the discourse seen in the 3rd rubric –sovereignist and isolationist narratives. Despite his praise for neo-Nazi and neo-legionary historical figures Ion Zelea Codreanu and Marshal Ion Antonescu, Calin Georgescu retains a host of communist dictatorship-era narratives. During the 1980s, as neighbouring communist regimes began implementing reforms, dictator Nicolae Ceaușescu relied on national figures, myths, and propaganda to cultivate a narrative portraying Romanians as surrounded by enemies. With access to independent information either prohibited or heavily censored, Ceaușescu was able to position himself as a saviour, protector, and bringer of peace within Romania and beyond. Georgescu has emerged as the most visible figure among a cohort of populist “patriots” who emulate this isolationist propaganda, promoting Romanian exceptionalism and nationalist mysticism to distance the country from its NATO and EU allies.
Overall, the compounded narratives of Romania’s political proxies and TikTok troll-farms are not wholly dissimilar to those found in the case of Moldova. However, while Russia aims to destabilise both countries’ support for European institutions, NATO and the war in Ukraine, the discursive inflections vary. In Romania, one observes subtler influences via notions of self-sufficiency and unique sovereignty, whereas in Moldova, the Transnistrian conflict and the country’s capacity for self-defence are leveraged.
To be continued: come back for Part III on [19/05/2025]
About the author
Bella Popescu graduated from the University of Cambridge with a degree in Multi-disciplinary Gender Studies, having previously completed a Bachelor of Arts in International Relations at King’s College London, War Studies Department. Her research specialisation combines the study of authoritarian regimes, democratic backsliding, and feminist-oriented public policy.
European Studies Review 